(Source: The Spectator, Caroline Moorhead's review of Victor Sebestyen’s book )
In this week’s Spectator, a review of Victor Sebestyen’s Weimar Germany: Death of a Democracy offers a sobering reminder of how swiftly a modern society can drift from openness to authoritarianism. What struck me most was not the familiar litany of crises — inflation, humiliation, political violence — but the way Sebestyen reconstructs the texture of the years themselves, the sense of people living through turbulence without quite recognising its direction. It is a story that feels uncomfortably close to our own times, precisely because it shows how the erosion of a society and its shared values rarely announces itself until the ground has already given way.
Moorhead's review presents Victor Sebestyen’s new history of the Weimar Republic as a vivid, almost cinematic reconstruction of how a modern democracy can unravel with startling speed. Rather than writing with hindsight, Sebestyen aims to narrate events as they were experienced between 1918 and 1933—when many observers saw violence, anti‑Semitism and political extremism, yet few grasped the direction in which Germany was heading until it was too late.
He begins with the fragile birth of the republic after Germany’s defeat in the First World War: the Kaiser’s reluctant abdication, the drafting of a liberal constitution in Weimar, and the presidency of Friedrich Ebert. The new state granted civil rights, expanded suffrage to women, lifted censorship, and unleashed a cultural explosion—Berlin became a global capital of experimentation, with 149 newspapers, avant‑garde art, Bauhaus design, and a nightlife that drew figures such as Nabokov, Roth, Eisenstein and Isherwood.
But these freedoms coexisted with deepening instability. The Spartacist uprising and the murders of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht signalled the violent polarisation between left and right. The Versailles Treaty, described in the review as one of Sebestyen’s strongest chapters, left Germans humiliated and resentful; reparations, the French occupation of the Ruhr, and hyperinflation compounded the sense of national grievance. Even amid cultural brilliance, a backlash grew against “degenerate” modernity and foreign influence.
The late 1920s brought further shocks: the death of the stabilising statesman Gustav Stresemann, the Wall Street crash, mass unemployment, homelessness, and a surge in open anti‑Semitism. Paramilitary groups proliferated. Berlin, as one observer put it, became a “breeding ground for evil”.
Among the far‑right movements, Hitler’s Nazi Party proved the most disciplined and effective, aided by Joseph Goebbels’s mastery of propaganda. Hitler’s imprisonment after the failed 1923 coup gave him time to write Mein Kampf, which soon sold in vast numbers. Sebestyen reserves particular criticism for President Paul von Hindenburg, whom he portrays as a vain, evasive aristocrat unwilling to accept responsibility for his wartime failures yet eager to undermine the republic.
By 1932, Sebestyen argues, Germany was already functioning as an authoritarian state: government paralysis, judicial bias toward the right, rule by presidential decree, and widespread poverty left the country choosing not between democracy and dictatorship but between competing forms of autocracy—Hitler’s or Hindenburg’s. When Hindenburg finally appointed Hitler chancellor, he achieved what he had long desired: the destruction of the Weimar Republic, which died, in Sebestyen’s phrase, through “political suicide”.
Sebestyen ends his narrative with Hitler’s ascent to power, leaving readers with a stark reminder of how quickly democratic norms can collapse when institutions are weak, resentments are deep, and political actors choose expediency over principle.



